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  • ISBN:9787122240729
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  • 出版社:化学工业出版社
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  • 价格:68.00元
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  • 更新时间:2024-06-03 09:31:07

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精彩短评:

  • 作者: 看电影的猫 发布时间:2021-07-19 23:01:22

    越往后 线索人物过多。打乱了主线。更新太慢。

  • 作者: 刘建鸿 发布时间:2013-06-22 21:29:33

    不错

  • 作者: rollaround 发布时间:2012-07-14 09:46:39

    追求美比追求真理更重要,忠于环境,忠于材料,忠于美是建筑的含义。关于好的建筑师和好的城市设计师,所应当的坚持。唯一遗憾的是才疏学浅好多东西看的不甚明了啊

  • 作者: 银山拍浪 发布时间:2021-05-12 21:43:05

    十几年前读过,再读还是有新体会。许多看似迷信的东西,其实是有科学根据解释的,比如,你住在切尔诺贝里附近,那这场灾难你就是受难者。同理的例子多了去了。

  • 作者: Polynesia 发布时间:2022-04-27 20:46:37

    偶然发现的一本关于后凯的书,通俗易懂。四篇推荐序里,三篇似乎都对书中观点有些不以为然。戴维森版后凯也许和其他学者的后凯有些不同。书中的建议也许确实有些理想化,而凯恩斯彷佛也有了儒者风范。“道不行,乘桴浮于海”。

  • 作者: 战斗时代 发布时间:2018-01-04 00:36:17

    伊恩弗莱明笔下的邦德显得更加的大男子主义和干练,跟电影相比,没那么刺激,却更有趣一些。


深度书评:

  • 《怎么办》内容概述

    作者:Antonio Ko 发布时间:2020-12-02 16:11:43

    《怎么办》是列宁在1901-1902年间写成的一本论战小册子,用以反驳当时的俄国社会民主党内出现的,放弃进行政治革命,将阶级斗争的形式局限在经济事务领域内的修正主义倾向。尽管这本小册子的篇幅不长,但是内容却极其丰富。其论及了多个非常重要的问题:马克思主义政党对于上层建筑(政治制度、意识形态)与经济基础之间关系的辨证理解、如何解释党的“先锋队”功能,以及知识分子和意识形态在革命中的作用等等。下面将此书的内容作一简单的概括梳理:

    一、教条主义和“批评自由”

    (一)什么是“批评自由”

    伯恩施坦等社会民主党人主张将革命的政党改变为社会改良的政党。在思想上他们对于马克思主义的批评完全就是照搬了原先资产阶级思想中对于马克思主义的批评;在行动中,米勒兰在法国充分实践了放弃革命,参与资产阶级的议会,争取改良法案的想法。列宁认为这些所谓的批评派完全是一些机会主义的伪装形态,所谓的批评自由,实质上是将资产阶级的思想和成分灌输到社会主义运动中的自由,是自己深陷泥潭而不自知,还要将清醒的革命派拉进泥潭的自由。

    (二)“批评自由”的新拥护者

    《工人事业》(“俄国社会民主党人联合会”的机关刊物)郑重提出“批评自由”口号,要求团结国外的改良主义运动,让他们在俄国享有批评自由。列宁引用了克里切夫斯基在《工人事业》上的文章,指出克天真地说伯恩斯坦主义者也站在“维护无产阶级的阶级利益的立场上”,而没有认识到现实政治中伯恩斯坦主义者与革命派之间的冲突。(伯恩斯坦派在德国两次受到警告)此外,列宁批评《工人事业》呼吁改良主义运动在俄国获得批评自由,但却不描述俄国的改良主义势力究竟是什么(很可能《工人事业》就是改良主义的一份子,虽然它自身拒绝承认)。列宁将在下一节中对俄国的改良主义势力作出分析。

    (三)俄国的批评派

    列宁回顾了俄国社会主义两派的关系变化:激进的革命派与合法派最初因斗争的需要,结成了政治联盟,但很快社会民主党人就与革命派分裂,并在刊物中推行批评自由思想,积极译介伯恩斯坦的著作。这种改良思想与社会实践中的经济主义勾连,试图让工人专注经济斗争,让社会主义的知识分子与资本主义思想者结合做政治斗争(作为经济派宣言的《Credo》体现了这点)。

    俄国的批评派和经济主义者在表面上普遍地反感理论争议,认为应该专注经济斗争工作(批评派却惧怕公开意见和接受批评,列宁说这是相当荒谬的)。所以列宁认为当前反对批评派的人应该做的就是:1.加强理论工作2.坚决拒绝这种“合法批评”3.在实际政治中坚决揭露经济派可能降低革命纲领和策略的企图。俄国社会主义团体与德国的现状是相反的:在德国,伯恩施坦是改良派,少数者,是要求改变主流思想的人;而在俄国,批评派则是既有者,要求维持俄国现状的人——革命派才是要求改变现有状况的人。

    (四)恩格斯论理论斗争的意义

    列宁指出《工人事业》对于俄国社会民主党内的这种理论争议视若无睹,进一步说明所谓的批评自由只不过是用来掩饰在革命理论原则上的折衷与混乱的修辞。列宁强调了理论工作对于俄国社会民主党的重要性。

    列宁总结了恩格斯对理论问题的论述:理论斗争是和政治、经济斗争并行的另一个领域的斗争,德国的工人运动之所以走在前列就是德国工人阶级很好地结合了两者。

    二、群众的自发性和社会民主党的自觉性

    列宁指出了《工人事业》与《火星报》《曙光》之间的分歧:如何评价工人阶级自发性与革命领导团体自觉性之间的关系?

    (一)自发高潮的开始

    在俄国,70年代的砸毁机器式的骚乱,以及90年代成熟的罢工都是自发形式的斗争,其都有自觉性的萌芽,但本质上都是工联主义式的斗争,工人尚未意识到自己地位与整个社会生产方式的根本对立。与之相对,社会民主主义的自觉意识则是一种独立于工人自发运动而产生于资产阶级知识分子中间的理论。在俄国社会民主主义运动早期,领导者就制定了推翻专制制度的最终理想,因为领导者个人修养的不足而没有取得良好的成果。现在的某些人却抛开自觉性,盲目地崇拜自发性。

    (二)对自发性的崇拜。《工人思想报》

    列宁概述了《工人思想报》第一期社论中所表现出的经济主义:社论否定政治斗争的必要性,而是强调社会民主运动应该专注于经济领域的工人运动,此即自发性压倒了自觉性。列宁强调(引用考茨基的话),社会主义的理论是资产阶级的知识分子从外部灌输给无产阶级,而不是无产阶级在行动的过程中自发产生的。经济主义者提倡工人阶级只参与工联主义式的经济斗争,实际上就是使工人阶级陷入资本主义的思想体系中去。但列宁也声明,这种对自发性的崇拜并不是纯粹的经济主义,因为它也主张工人参与政治斗争,但这种政治斗争并不是建立在一整套完整的社会民主主义理论基础之上的。

    (三)“自我解放社”和《工人事业》杂志

    对《工人自我解放社宣言》以及《工人事业》的批评:迷恋自发性,而忽视社会主义者在理论上自觉性的重要意义;迷恋经济斗争,迷信经济对政治的决定作用,而忽视只有政治革命才能根本上维护工人阶级的利益。迷信自发运动的过程,质疑社会主义者的“计划”对于运动发展的指导作用(《工人事业》的尾巴主义)。

    三、工联主义的政治和社会民主主义的政治

    (崇拜自发性在政治和组织方面的体现)

    列宁主要以马尔丁诺夫在《工人事业》上发表的社论为批评对象:

    (一)政治鼓动以及经济派缩小政治鼓动的观点

    列宁承认对工厂生产中非正义行为的揭露是唤醒阶级意识,促进斗争的起点。但必须认识到这种经济斗争是非常局限的。因此,政治教育是必要的,社会民主党人应当在政治组织的方方面面揭露工人阶级所受到的压迫。但经济主义者却只在表面上认同此点,仍然坚持认为在经济活动中进行政治鼓动是最普遍适用的方式。马尔丁诺夫声称要赋予经济斗争以政治性质,这实质上就是要求通过经济斗争促进现有政府以立法和行政等方式改善工人阶级的生活工作条件,列宁说这就是一种典型的改良主义表现,它把所有革命主义者的主张(寻求根本改变)斥责为不产生显著作用的反抗。

    (二)马尔丁诺夫究竟怎样加深了普列汉诺夫的意见

    列宁批判了马尔丁诺夫和罗蒙索诺夫在论述中试图在宣传员、鼓动员之外创造第三种概念的行为。马尔丁诺夫的用意在于批判革命派在理论宣传,具体鼓动之外缺乏向政府表达意见的具体行为。

    (三)政治的揭露和“培养革命积极性”

    列宁认为将揭露行为局限在经济领域最终只能降低工人阶级的积极性。只有组织全面的政治揭露工作,工人阶级的阶级意识才可能被唤醒。因此,社会民主党人必须促工人阶级的眼光超越自身的阶级,从而对于社会中每一阶级的经济处境,及其与各种社会制度间的关系有充分的认识。因此,社会民主党人的任务就是尽可能地将其他阶级遭遇的所有不公正揭露给工人阶级,从而使其认识到所以阶级受制于相同的不正义的社会制度。列宁进一步论述,马尔丁诺夫所说的“给经济斗争赋予政治性质”是工人阶级完全自发就可以掌握的,工人阶级从社会民主党人这里所需要的是一种更普遍的政治知识。

    (四)经济主义与恐怖主义有什么共同之点 (p67摘录)

    列宁认为两者都盲目崇拜自发性,区别在于前者崇拜工人运动的自发性,后者则崇拜无能将工人运动与政治运动结合起来,因而只能诉诸于暴力的知识分子的愤怒。列宁否定了恐怖活动可能具有的对工人阶级的激发作用,强调这种想法是没有认识到社民党人任务,即进行全面政治揭发与鼓动才形成的。

    (五)工人阶级是争取民主制的先进战士

    列宁再次强调,要对工人阶级做全面的政治动员,唤醒他们的政治意识,就必须超越劳动关系,从劳动关系的外部将知识灌输给工人阶级。这就要求社会民主主义者必须对于社会政治的每一方面进行研究。

    列宁坚持,作为革命的先锋队,社会民主党人应当致力于唤醒每个阶层的政治意识,并领导他们的政治反抗。列宁认为当时的社会民主党人有这种深入每个阶层的能力,并且有相应的基础。这种深入各个阶层,团结起来反对政府的方式也不会使得社会民主党丧失自己的阶级性。

    (六)又是“诽谤者”,又是捏造者

    革命派指责经济主义者在为使工人运动变为资产阶级民主派的工具做准备,《工人事业》则批评革命派是“诽谤者”和“捏造者”。列宁则指出,工联主义的运动方式必然将工人运动降低为一种资产阶级的政治。社会民主党不在政治斗争中争取自己的领导地位,那么,资产阶级民主派必然会将风头抢去。

    四、经济派的手工业方式和革命家的组织

    列宁强调,目前革命的组织方式仍然是一种原始的手工业方式,而经济主义者对自发性的崇拜就是要在组织层面维护这一落后的方式。

    (一)什么是手工业方式

    列宁回顾了1894-1901年间一个典型的社民党小组的活动方式:由学生自发产生,缺乏对于运动的长期规划和对各个阶级的团结,因此,在规模稍微扩大之后,其行动就会被政府轻易破解,最终丧失工人阶级的信任。

    (二)手工业方式和经济主义

    列宁认为,经济主义者和激进的“革命主义者”都受限于这种手工业方式,而忽视了建立一个稳固的革命家组织的重要性。尽管革命家组织尚缺乏足够的领导力,但列宁相信这种有领导力的组织正在生成。

    (三)工人的组织和革命家的组织

    经济主义者将工人的组织等同为革命家的组织,列宁则强调了两者的区别:革命家的组织是为以革命为职业者建立的组织,其必然是小规模的,尽可能秘密的。因此与工人的组织完全相反。

    工会是工人职业性的,他要求尽可能地联系所有可团结的工人,因此必然是非常广泛的,难以保证秘密性。解决这种矛盾的可能方式有两种:促使工会活动完全合法化;以及建立一个核心紧密、但外围广泛,没有任何固定组织形式的秘密工会,与革命家组织直接联系。列宁倾向于后一种,并批评了经济主义者建立的储金会具有完全相反的特点,只能使政府更方便地打击工人团体。

    恐怖主义者在政治组织层面也支持工人自发的组织而忽视职业革命家组织的重要性。列宁强调,一个数量小的职业革命者团体将比人数更多的团体更加安全;并且,一个秘密性的小团体与广泛地鼓舞群众积极参与斗争,两者之间并不矛盾,反而有促进之作用。

    (四)组织工作的规模

    革命运动的工作必须坚持一种专业性与集中性的结合,在一个核心革命家组织的集中领导之下,广泛分工的群众才能够更好地工作。列宁同时主张要积极地在工人阶级中间挖掘适合做宣传员、鼓动员的人才,是其脱离生产成为职业革命家,而不是如经济主义者所做,只为工人提供一些轻松的知识。

    (五)阴谋组织和民主制

    列宁反驳了集中对于革命派组织原则的批评。

    1. 团结所有反对沙俄制度的力量并不是一种放弃马主义的民意主义,而是一种正确的革命策略。

    2. 将秘密组织贬低为一种阴谋行动是幼稚的行为

    3. 一个稳固坚强的核心组织将会降低,而非加强贸然行动的风险。目前正是因为缺少这样一个坚强的核心组织才导致了保守的经济主义和激进的恐怖主义泛滥。

    4. 革命派主张的党组织是反民主原则的吗?列宁认为,在沙俄的专制制度下,民主制要求的事务公开和对于成员的选举与监督都是与革命的迫切任务相违背的。而革命派所主张的小范围的核心组织具有一些特点能够替代民主制的功能:同志间信任感带来的责任感,以及党内媒体对于不当行为的谴责。

    (六)地方工作与全俄工作

    另一种对于革命派组织形式的批评是,集中性的组织可能导致地方革命工作被忽视。列宁以当时的地方报纸的实践为例,说明集中的组织领导不仅不会破坏,反而会加强地方工作的效率与效果。

    五、全俄政治报计划

    列宁反驳了经济主义和恐怖主义者对于《从何着手?》一文的批评。

    (一)谁因《从何着手?》一文而生了气?

    《工人事业》批评《从何着手》一文提出的建立统一机关报的草案,认为这是一种毁坏现有组织,强迫使所有人服从一个编辑部的行为。列宁认为这是一种完全的夸大,甚至不值得在实质上回应。列宁还是回顾了《火星报》与多个委员会的联系,指出革命派并没有任何破坏现有组织的情况。

    (二)报纸能不能成为集体的组织者

    列宁系统地反驳了尔·纳杰日丁对建立一个统一的中央机关报的批评。首先,统一的机关报并不是与坚强的革命组织互相独立的,革命派提出前者就是为了后者做准备。第二,一个统一的机关报可以有效地对各阶层的群众进行宣传和鼓动。第三,重视统一的机关报并不是文人习气的体现,而是为了建立统一的组织这一迫切任务而必须的指导性工作。列宁具体地描述了一个统一的机关报,可以通过怎样的方式来促进和加强地方组织之间的联系,并促进统一的革命家团体的产生。

    (三)我们需要什么样的组织

    继续在党组织建设的形态设想方面,对修正主义者进行具体的反驳。

    结束语:

    列宁总结了俄国社会主义革命所经历的三个阶段:从最初的社会主义的政党成立先于工人阶级的产生,到后来两者起头并进,再到第三阶段社会主义政党中的修正主义力量企图放弃对于革命的自觉领导。那么,现在俄国社会民主革命的下一步应该怎么办?列宁给出了简单明了的答案:结束第三阶段。

  • 读书笔记

    作者:Luke 发布时间:2010-12-21 08:39:46

    奈保尔2010年的新书,是他在非洲五国的游记。我一直奉他为当世游记文学写作第一人(之前他已经写了七本游记,包括著名的“印度三部曲”。)

    奈保尔的游记,从来不会多去描写自然风光,而侧重历史、政治、文化方面的记录和观察,而这些大部分是通过重点介绍一个又一个人的故事来体现。在各个国家,奈保尔尽可能接触各阶层的人,为全景式描写打下了基础。奈保尔的笔下的那些人写活了,他们各自的故事,便是奈保尔游记的一大看点。虽然奈保尔的书中不乏个人偏见,但他的的犀利、坦白仍不可避免会感染读者,文字方面,更是让人愿意亲近。

    本书即将出中文版,译者郑云、张晖,《世界文学》2010年第6期选登了关于乌干达的一章。

    摘录:

    乌干达部分

    Foreign religion, to go by the competing ecclesiastical buildings on the hilltops, was like an applied and contagious illness, curing nothing, giving no final answers, keeping everyone in a state of nerves, fighting wrong battles, narrowing the mind.

    奈保尔到了尼罗河源头,也忍不住心潮澎湃一番:

    Speke, when he first saw it, the object of his dreams, sat on the bank on the Buganda side and “saw the day out” considering the play of water. It has that effect still, of encouraging the visitor simply to look, sending the mind back over the centuries, perhaps even over the millennia, when what we see now already existed (though a speeded-up camera would show islands and vegetation disappearing and reappearing); and sending the mind also on an unimaginable four-thousand-mile journey north to the Mediterranean.

    尼日利亚部分:

    The Nigerians love to trade; there are traders in the unlikeliest places. The visitor, seeing a crowd in constant movement, can often find himself wondering who the buyers are and who the sellers, and (since the quantities dealt in can be so small) what accidents have led them to choose their respective roles. A buyer, it seems, can easily be a vendor, and a vendor the other thing.

    ***

    It was strange to think that this simple technology (guns)might at one time have helped to create a colonial empire. It was a little bit like wealth in a time of inflation. To have money first was to be rich; it didn’t matter what money came to other people afterwards

    The tall man from the tourist board told us that the Oni was away, but the Oni’s deputy and some other chiefs were going to welcome us. He said that we were not to misunderstand the background and nature of the chiefs who were coming. They were highly educated people. And a little while later – though no one had challenged him – he said it again. It was as though, as a man from the tourist board (and perhaps after some misunderstanding with a recent tourist), it was his duty to put the record straight: local chiefs were not mere villagers.

    ****

    Perhaps it was artificial, as some people said; perhaps it was all made up. The site was too beautiful, the symbolism of the ritual too easy; perhaps it had been all put together by someone whose business it was to stage events. But it was also possible that all rituals began like this, in artifice.

    ***

    On the way back to Lagos our driver stopped a few times. He was looking for palm wine. The palm wine here, in the country, was the real thing; in Lagos the palm wine was diluted. He eventually got his palm wine, but he didn’t offer the rest of us a taste. He was saving it up for the evening. He would call his friends over – they didn’t live very far: it was almost the driver’s definition of a friend in Lagos: someone who didn’t live far away – and they would “kill” the bottle.

    We should have had a clear run to the city. But just inside the city the traffic caught us, or we caught up with it, and it wore us down. It even began to look as if the driver might have to postpone his palm-wine evening.

    奈保尔到了尼日利亚北部城市卡诺(Kano),三言两语,描绘了一副令人感觉复杂的图景:

    There were two dogs on a mound of garbage, and the poor creatures were the colour of garbage.

    Beyond this is the town proper: many goats eating garbage, plastic and paper. The goat is the perfect animal for this area, living on air until it is slaughtered. And children: innumerable, thin-limbed, in dusty little gowns, the unfailing product of multiple marriages and many concubines. Horses, in this place which is supposed to have a cult of the horse and horsemanship: but the horses thin, like the boys. Garbage here, gathered up in little mounds. Innumerable okada motorcyclists, doing their routes, picking up pillion passengers.

    Only one active building site, with seven people working on it, one man mixing mortar, which is then passed from man to man, and finally to the mason on the brick wall. In the centre of the town there is a big abandoned multi-story building: this is a relic of the time when Kano was a boom area, but now, with the absence of power, that boom is far away. The children that are now unceasingly produced by wives and concubines, boom or no boom, have no future, except buying or hiring or leasing motorcycles, to add to the city’s okada force.

    We were told later that one of the great sights of the city, well worth coming for, took place every Friday, the holy day, when after prayers the garbage-strewn streets erupted with hundreds and hundreds of thin little Muslim boys with their begging bowls, waiting patiently for alms from the pious who had said their prayers.

    The good Muslims of Kano see their situation as “dynamic”. For these people, once the state is Muslim, and the culture Islamic, there can never be a crisis; the world is whole. This sets them apart from the rest of Nigeria, which lives in a perpetual state of crisis.

    ***

    令人绝望的这一种人生:

    Delacroix’s picture of the ladies of the harem in Algiers shows idle women in colourful clothes. The vacancy of their mind shows in their faces. I suppose some such picture – the clothes, the idleness – had worked on the imagination of the Indian woman I met in Delhi some years ago who said she would have liked nothing more than to be one of the harem of the Emperor Akbar. This woman was not a Muslim, had no idea of a harem, and even with her folly would have been dismayed to find that the harem of an African ruler (no doubt in this woman’s mind some notches down from the real thing) was in the main a place of homeless derelicts – slaves and concubines (many of them gifts from other African rulers), discarded older wives, eunuchs (bought from Egypt) – people who had outlived their usefulness, had no talent, no family, no outside life.

    Old age and idleness gave them the freedom to go outside (the eunuchs always in their uniform), and they used this limited freedom to do little errands in the town for people in the harem. Apart from this there was nothing for them to do. They were waiting now only for death, were fed like dogs, and slept on the floor of the harem in such corners as they could find.

    加纳部分:

    对本地人嗜食野生动物的批评:

    The bush was almost barren of wild life, but these people were managing to squeeze out the last remnants, while their fertile land remained largely unused.

    ***

    The villages seemed to lie just outside forested areas. The land was always choked with vegetation; when you put your head out of the air-conditioned car you felt yourself driving through waves of humid heat that caused things to grow. This suggested that the forest ruled.

    象牙海岸部分:

    Then, a few days later, when I was in Gabon, I learned more about the bats of Abidjan. They were fruit bats; they were also known as flying foxes. And they were not as innocent as they sounded. They, or their fleas, were carriers of the contagious ebola virus. The victims bled helplessly till they died. No one knew for sure how the virus jumped from bat to man; but a good guess was that the virus was transmitted by the eating of the bat. So the darkening of the Abidjan sky at dusk was not only part of the visual drama of West Africa: it was like a plague waiting to fall on the men below.

    加蓬部分:

    The initiates shouted (I believe), “Bukowa! Bukowa!” The Frenchman tried to instruct us in a response. But we needed a lot more time to learn, and we did the next best thing: we gave money. As so often on these occasions, it was enough.

    ***

    关于加蓬的原木砍伐:

    She said, “We were told that we would plant a tree for every tree we cut, but it is not so. It sickens my heart that we don’t follow that principle. When I see a truck full of logs, I don’t see trees or wood. I see murdered people. They are not logs for me, but dead people. The trees are creatures just like us. Trees live longer than human beings, and they give us everything, even oxygen. We need to learn a lot from trees.”

    ***

    The train set us down at Lope. We were able, a while later, to see the high aluminium coaches leaving. For Mme Ondo a twisting path in the forest was an image of the absolute. For me, bred on old Westerns, the sight of the sturdy departing train spoke of a horrible kind of solitude.

    ***

    这一段当注意最后一句话,不知道中文译本会不会删?

    Some small trees beside the road had been half broken by elephants, and we were told that the elephants of the equatorial forest were a metre shorter than the African elephants of more open spaces. Lope was a national park and elephants here were to some extent protected. But elsewhere in Gabon elephants were under threat; the very size that made them fearful creatures before the age of the gun now made them hopelessly vulnerable. Local people liked to eat elephant meat, and there was again a Chinese market for ivory. The loggers opened up the forest; the poachers moved in. Some of the logging companies were themselves Chinese, able now, far from home, fully to express the Chinese hatred for the earth.

    ***

    参观史怀泽的故居,提到了中国的“赤脚医生”:

    In spite of that microscope on the table it was well known that Dr Schweitzer was more of a missionary than a doctor. The medical degree he had taken was the abridged one missionaries took; so that in Africa he was a little like the barefoot doctors the Chinese created for China much later in the century. When he and Lambaréné became famous more qualified doctors came out, attracted by the idea of service which he appeared to exemplify.

    南非部分:

    Forty years before, in Rwanda, on the shore of Lake Kivu, I had seen a much simpler Belgian holiday settlement surrendered to forest and people of the forest. The forest people, welcoming ready-made roof and walls and solid floors, ready-made shelter, had moved in, but had then grown unhappy: they didn’t like the rectangular spaces of the Belgian houses, and they had sought gradually to shrink these spaces to the more familiar circular spaces of their huts.

    ***

    I would have liked to get a price for the horse head, but I was nervous of asking. I had asked many questions already and had exhausted my credit with the hawker. He was beginning to look cantankerous. He was proud of his stock and the way he laid it out. Every day he would have had idlers like me, visitors, tourists, coming and asking about the purpose of this and that, without any intention of buying, just wasting a dealer’s time, and expecting to be taken seriously.

    ***

    I had wanted, when I began this book, to stay away from politics and race, to look below those themes for the core of African belief. But rather like Fatima looking for identity, I felt stymied in South Africa and saw that here race was all in all; that race ran as deep as religion elsewhere.

    ***

    The architect, Gerard Moerdijk, said he had built a monument that would last a thousand years. He should have been more careful. It is too easy in a place as fragmented as South Africa to see what one wants to see and to commit oneself to building on sand. Times of course have changed. Moerdijk’s Afrikaner monument has become a national monument, part of the national patrimony, and is allowed to live on. But no one can really be sure what the future will bring.

    ***

    关于贫民窟:

    When you are far enough away in bad areas the houses or huts become the merest shacks of old corrugated iron sheets, roughly daubed with a number, for the purposes of identification alone. It is amazing that people can live and thrive in such dwellings, but they do, and they make one think of Oscar Wilde: “One can survive anything except death.”

    关于南非的写作:

    Considering the extent of Avalon, the abundant grief it represented, I thought of what Fatima (and others) had told me: that without apartheid, there was no further cause for South Africa in the world, nothing for its writers to explore, nothing to attract attention, no true motive for loss or tragedy. Was there not some deeper, more universal motif, apart from the obviousness of apartheid? Something that continued pure, and of itself alone? It seemed unlikely. D H Lawrence (to take a name at random) could get away from the coal pits of Nottinghamshire; but he had the rest of England to contemplate (though he remained a provincial at heart), and then he had the rest of the world. That couldn’t be said of South African writers: they remained bound to their wheel of fire.


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